bd361987All of you should foot the bill for your sin and evil, no matter you are an angel or a devil.
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Name: Tang
Country: Hong Kong
Metro: Hong Kong
Birthday: 3/6/1987
Gender: Male


Occupation: Artist
Industry: Art


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MSN: birthday361987@yahoo.com.hk
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Member Since: 10/7/2005

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Saturday, June 20, 2009

看了新聞報導和討論留言,我幾同情那班反對正生書院遷入梅窩的梅窩居民。明明厭惡這班「吸毒仔」、「吸毒妹」,卻與他們朝夕相對,天下間無奈之事莫過於此。藉故推諉怎樣?砌辭狡辯又如何?梅窩居民歧視他人固然錯,可喜怒愛憎也是人之常情嘛。既然社會大眾那麼包容、那麼有愛心,為什麼不爽性歡迎正生書院搬入自己社區?

不表態,不是自己不代表整區居民,搞社區公投算是什麼?不表態,是怕面對自己人性的黑暗面。我就不相信政府殺校幾年,只有梅窩一處有空校舍﹗反正正生書院的學生最終都要融入「社會」,為什麼非梅窩不可?

梅窩那班居民正小人、沒文化、沒修養、不識大體,大家不禁義憤填膺,群起而攻之,口誅筆伐、極盡搶佔道德高地之能事。可是至今大家未有所動,說穿了,不也是認為正生書院學生會拖垮自己社區樓價、帶壞自己子女﹗說穿了,不也是認為最好由梅窩去做這醜角。政府的決策、批評者的私心,顯然易見。

嗱﹗正生書院遷入藍田、官塘我無意見,畢竟這班學生根本不是問題,要學壞的話我一早學了,或者正確來說,壞係不用拜師不用跟人學。至於樓價下降,這是值得高興的事,不用為一點點立錐地打一世工。有種的,便出來說歡迎正生書院遷入自己社區。自私不是罪,但都不用一面倒說梅窩居民不是。自己眼眶不也是塞滿木樑麼?很無聊。


Tuesday, May 05, 2009

“Administrative absorption of politics”

Administration absorption of politics is a political strategy to increase legitimacy through elite cooptation. The colony government recruits and appoints the businessmen into the government administrative structure as Legislative Councilors and Executive Councilors and committee members of various boards of administration. It can resolve the problem of elite-mass integration and stabilize the social-economic well-being while the common interests and demand of the capitalist class can be represented and considered in policy-making.

Before 1985, Hong Kong had no elected representation in its two highest policy-making bodies, Legislative Council and Executive Council. Administration absorption of politics is first introduced to solve the first and the second crisis of legitimacy and later became the tradition. At the first crisis of legitimacy in 1840s, British merchants press the already minimal and laissez-faire government for tax reduction and government spending. The government resolved the problem through co-opting two prominent members from British merchant houses into the Legislative Council in 1850 so as to taking the interests and demands of the merchants into account during government policy making.

At the second crisis in 1880s, the British merchants developed into an even more powerful social group and demanded for free election of representatives of British nationality to the Legislative Council. However, if universal suffrage granted to British nationals, it might provoke the Chinese and could not balance the interest of all parties; and if the suffrage was granted to all property holders, a sizeable amount of wealthy Chinese merchants might dominant the government, which is a greater disaster. Therefore, the government rejected the idea but appointed 2 prominent businessmen to the Executive Council in 1896 so as to resolve the dissatisfaction.

Administration absorption of politics, YC King and SK Lau believed, is a way to neutralize the social-political forces of the capitalists as the capitalists appointed into government have to be dependent on the government’s privilege. But KP Leung believed that the co-opted capitalist can also be benefited from the administration absorption of politics as they had extensive and important control over Hong Kong economy through interlocking directorship which linked a very large number of capitalist companies together.

The administration absorption of politics first was for the British, later for the Chinese capitalists as the Chinese community could be expected to identify with their co-opted leaders and hence to comply with colony rule. However, the co-option of members of Chinese elites became outdated in 1950s and 1960s since the large part of the population was made up of the mass of refugees at that time and they knew little about these elites. Therefore, the colony government set up the City District Committees Scheme as the extension of the administrative absorption of politics at the grass-roots level in 1970s.

“Minimally integrated social-political system”

Minimally integrated social-political system is the utilitarianistic familial ethos, which refers to one of the social and political phenomena in Hong Kong, expressed by SK Lau so as to explain why the Hong Kong was stable during the rapid social changes like rapid industrialization and rapid population growth between early 1950s and mid-1970s.

In Hong Kong, the basic structural components of the society were the bureaucratic polity and the Chinese families compartmentalized from other social groups. There was lack of integration between two components because of the governance style and the value of the Chinese families. The political system in Hong Kong was undemocratic and indifferent to the population which made the population politically powerless, at the same time the population turned to their own family for assistance to solve material problem, reinforcing familistic practices and values as utilitarianistic family.

On one hand, the government adopted non-interventionist approach which makes economic matters outsides jurisdiction and the responsibility of the government so as to depoliticize the Chinese community and make the autonomous bureaucratic polity exempting from influence from other social-economic forces. The government was both unable and unwilling to adequately provide for needs of rapidly expanding population and did not meddle with customary values and practices of the Chinese community.

On the other hand, the utilitarianistic families placed the material pursuits and interests of the family above other concerns like politic which results low civic consciousness and low social participation. The local Chinese population emphasized on self-reliance, political apathy and was averse to the intervention by the government under the traditional Chinese value. The arriving refugees from China rural were only seeking a safe haven in a “borrowed time and borrowed place” for stability and quick material gains. They relied on the material support and the economic advancement from their family and kinsfolk and the “family network” which extended boundary of family to the distant relations and even friends rather than asked for government support.

Since the government had no interest to intervene the Chinese community and the Chinese community solved their problem themselves within familial context, there was very few integration between government and Chinese community which formed a minimally integrated social-political system. Therefore, both government and Chinese community co-existed peacefully and they were “boundary conscious” and wary of “intrusion” from the each other. This system became outdated when the government was taking up a greater role in social and welfare provision in the mid 70s.


Sunday, May 03, 2009

「又抽煙?」

「你也試試吧﹗」

「不,我戒了,就在未抽之前。」

***********************************************************

「又抽煙?」

「你也試試吧﹗」

「不,我戒了,」

「誒——」那人愕了一愕,似笑非笑道﹕「幾時開始?真猜你不透。」

「就在未抽之前。一直都係啦。」

***********************************************************

「又抽煙?」

「你也試試吧﹗」

「不,我戒了……」

「誒——」那人愕了一愕。

「就在未抽之前。」

「頂你﹗說話別一截一截啦。」

 


Friday, May 01, 2009

無信來,落選了。

不過係意料中事。

《屌》

 

「按你的說法,去年你學生在學生報、民主牆寫粗言穢語沒有錯,對不對?」

 

終於,有人拋出第一塊磚頭。

 

議會一片靜。

 

冷峻、輕蔑、不屑、鄙夷、憤怒、厭惡、忌恨、同情,各式各樣的目光,這間都聚落他一人身上。

 

人誰無過,更何況他不是淫婦。

 

不久,其他磚塊也箭在弦上,如瀑布、如星雨、如風沙、如磁碎附鐵,一發不可收拾。

 

「你枉為人師。」

 

「就是你這麼縱容學生,才令我們的大學生道德修養日壞。今天,我們就是要設法改善這城的道德修養。」

 

「公然粗言穢語和公然露械有什麼分別?不知廉恥。」

 

「恐嚇、誹謗是刑事罪,那些粗言穢語也干犯以上罪行的意味,立法禁止有何不妥?誰知說的人不會付之行動?」

 

「你只須答,使用粗言穢語對還是不對?既然不對,為什麼我們立法你要阻撓?」

 

汗流浹背,豆大的汗珠,凝頓額上。無可奈何,只得舌戰群雄。

 

「反對大家就粗言穢語立法,這叫鼓吹大家說粗口嗎?這叫坦護學生嗎?各位官長、各位議員,你們甘心為了幾句粗言穢語而出賣大家的言論自由嗎?甘心看著這城市淪為《一八九四》的英國嗎?難道禁了粗口、禁了色情,人就會變得高雅變得道德高尚嗎?」

 

誰愛聽粗言穢語?誰不想人互相尊重?但只有立法才是出路嗎?他深深吸了口氣,續道﹕

 

「到底使用粗言穢語哪裡不對?是讀音濁耳嗎?那應否連『我點會無簿』、『做乜諗嘢』一類帶諧音的詞也得禁用?是含意低俗嗎?那『陽具』、『陰道』的含意又文雅到哪裡?我們這一代是否禁慾主義到視『性』為禁忌、為恥辱一地步?抑或是,我們將『性』推崇到如父母、上帝之名,可知不可言唸?我們為粗言穢語下定義、設禁令,是否在歧視、欺壓操某種口音、某種文化背景的一群?為什麼大家會認為一人粗口就全城受辱?各位,我們立法之前,是否應該先反思一下?立了法,又如何執行?粗口音變、相變語,不是法律形同虛設,就是市民動輒得咎。試問城裡除了啞巴,幾人一生不說一句粗言穢語呢?各位,我們立法,是否單純為了使自己道貌岸然像一個君子?」

 

「這位教授,時下青年好用粗口問候人家母親,這不是對女性有欠尊重麼?我城素來標榜尊重女性,莫非你不覺得我們應該出手淳化整頓民風嗎?」

 

「這位尊貴的女士,如果用粗口問候人家母親就是對女性不尊重,那麼言情小說、羅曼史不乏對性描寫,是否也對女性不尊重?性教育是否誨淫誨盜?我認為……」

 

小城一切依樣。沒有唇槍舌劍,只有當空一輪明月;不見雄辯滔滔的英姿,只見長長的倦影。

 

叮噹。門打開了,迎面而來是興奮的稚聲﹕

 

「屌你老母。」




Wednesday, April 29, 2009

高樓興未休。日夜映江流。
看慣人間世,何妨地獄遊。

資料來源﹕維也納封最好住城市 港排70 星列26 最佳基建 港排第八

生活環境同地獄差不多。



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And if thou with, remember; and if thou with, forget. Their two plus two does not equal four. Their two plus two equals whatever they want us to die for.

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